Child Labour in the Industrial Revolution | Essay

Child Labour in the Industrial Revolution | Essay Nardinelli (1980; pp.739-55) argues, contrary to popular opinion, that the employment of children in the early Industrial Revolution was not ceased by the Factory Acts of 1833[1] and 1844[2], but rather that the Factory Acts simply speeded up a process that was already underway, in terms of technological changes and increases in family incomes, which meant that child labour was no longer necessary (Nardinelli, 1980; p.739). Using data from school enrolment rates, Nardinelli (1980; p. 751) shows that, following the introduction of the Factory Acts, no difference between school enrolment rates existed between the textile districts and the rest of the country. Nardinelli (1980; p.755) concludes that the textile industry, which used child labour, was only one of the industries that formed the Industrial Revolution, and, indeed, was almost the only industry to use child labour, and that, as such, the issue of child labour and its role in the success of the Industrial Revolution is diminis hed. Verdon (2002; pp.299-323) also discusses child labour, in rural areas, and its relation to women’s employment, family income and the 1834 Poor Law Report. As Verdon (2002; p.299) argues, it is important to take a regional approach to studies of the Industrial Revolution, and its effect on the lives of children throughout the nineteenth century, as child labour levels, family incomes and social class relations varied widely from region to region during the time of the Industrial Revolution. Verdon (2002, p.322) concludes that region, gender and age were all key determinants of labourers’ experience of work in nineteenth century rural areas, with children contributing a substantial proportion of the household income in 1834, across every region. At this time, therefore, rural child labour was an important source of childhood income. How this was affected by the introduction of Factory Acts (which, of course, would not directly have affected rural employment, outside of ur ban factories) is not discussed. Horrell and Humphries (1995; pp. 485-516) look at child labour and the family economy during the Industrial Revolution, using data from household budgets of this period, and found that during the period of early industrialisation, the number of children working and the number of children working in factories increased, and the age at which children started work decreased, due to the fact that older children became economically independent from families at an early age, thus leaving younger siblings to work to increase the household income. Horrell and Humphries (1995; p. 510) conclude that, indeed, during the early Industrial Revolution, little children were exploited, in that there was an â€Å"enormous growth in the employment of children in factories† during this period. Horrell and Humphries (1995; p. 511) show, supplementing the work of Verdon (2002), that there was an â€Å"intensification of child employment in the factory districts† during the early Industrial R evolution and that this was in stark contrast to the under- and unemployment of children in the rural South East during the later Industrial Revolution. In contrast to Nardinelli (1980), Horrell and Humphries (1995; p. 511) conclude that the Factory Acts did have the effect of reducing children’s employment in factories, but that this doesn’t seem to have had any effect on the numbers of children within families who were expected to work, and that â€Å"legislation†¦.may have displaced more girls than boys†, who then, it is hypothesised, moved into domestic service, for example, thus remaining in employment. Horn (1974; pp.779-796) looks at child workers in the pillow lace and straw plait trades in Buckinghamshire and Bedfordshire, stating that the cottage industries in the regions outside of the urban centres of the Industrial Revolution (i.e., the towns across Lancashire) provided employment for many female workers, who, otherwise, would have been employed in domestic service. Thus, again, a regional view of child labour during the Industrial Revolution proves important, as this work of Horn (1974) essentially goes against the conclusions of Horrell and Humphries (1995). Horn (1974; p.795) concludes that cottage industries, such as these two industries, gave much-needed supplement to the household incomes of working-class families in these counties, and that similar cottage industries in other rural areas must have had the same effect too. Horn (1974; p. 795) notes that â€Å"the general education of the children (who worked in the cottage industries) was neglected† and the next section will look in further detail at how the education of children changed during the period of the Industrial Revolution. Johnson (1970; pp.96-119) looks at educational policy and social control in early Victorian England, showing that educating the poor seemed to be one of the strongest of early Victorian obsessions, with concern for education figuring largely, for example, as we have seen, in the Factory Act of 1833, and with private institutions, such as the National Society, launching many educational projects during the period 1838 and 1843 (Johnson; p.97). Johnson (1979; p.119) concludes, essentially, however, that the concern for educating the poor as expressed by early Victorian governments was more about controlling the working class population than it was about providing opportunity for the working classes, although issues surrounding what he terms the ‘educational problem’ of this time were hotly debated[3]. Reay (1991; pp.89-129) looks at the context and meaning of popular literacy in nineteenth century rural England, and shows that functional analyses of literacy tell little about the actual educational state of people living and working during the Industrial Revolution (Reay, 1991; p.128) as recorded declines in illiteracy amongst rural child workers, for example, often reflect the acquisition of a new skill, such as writing, rather than a shift towards full literacy. Analyses of signatures and marks are also not particularly useful, argues Reay (1991; p.129) as these can tell us little about the actual literacy level of the signatory, especially, as he argues, for much of the nineteenth century population, reading equalled literacy, in its correct cultural context, such that â€Å"the ability to sign one’s name is, actually, one of the least interesting aspects of literacy† (Reay; 1991; p.129). Snell (1999; pp.122-168) looks at the role Sunday Schools played in the education of working class child labourers during the Industrial Revolution, and shows that Sunday Schools were widespread around both the urban centres of the Industrial Revolution and across the English regions, and that Sunday Schools, essentially, through a religious educational policy, taught many nineteenth century child labourers the value of education, and also about civic responsibility, although often, as Snell (1999; p. 168) notes, â€Å"clerical control was strict and the syllabus narrow†, such that, much as Johnson (1979) argued, at this time, education for working class child labourers was as much about social control as it was about providing opportunity to this section of the population. Thompson’s (1981) paper looks at the issue of social control in Victorian Britain, arguing that social order in Britain was â€Å"subject to strains imposed by the dual processes of urbanisation and industrialisation† (Thompson, 1981; p.189), arguing that social control led to social transformation in Victorian society, throughout the course of the Industrial Revolution, not through legal systems, police forces and the threat of prisons, but through social control (Thompson, 1981; p.207) exercised from within each social class almost as an internal ‘thermostat’ of order, with social organisms such as community being important in defining, adapting and shaping popular culture (Thompson, 1981; p.208). This social control also included controls over relaxation and pleasure, with football, social clubs and music halls arising as a way in which the working classes could find release from their daily grind (Thompson, 1981; p.208). Conclusion This paper has looked at the issues of child labour, home life (in terms of household incomes and household demographics), and education in nineteenth century Britain, showing that successive changes in legislature provided better working conditions for child labourers during the nineteenth century, and that these changes in legislature meant that children were, at least to some extent, better educated towards the end of the period of the Industrial Revolution than they had been at the beginning of this period of history. This education, which, although, as we have seen, seemed to have been designed with the explicit purpose of exerting social control, did push forward some changes to child labour, in terms of shifting work from full-time to half-time, and, as we have seen, shifting the demographics of work, with younger children entering work in order to provide supplemental household income, as the older children of the household, during this period, had a tendency to become indepe ndent more quickly, leaving the household to enter in to domestic service, for example, which left a hole in the household’s purses, which needed to be filled. Education, during the nineteenth century was formulated through the Education Act of 1870, and was provided both by government institutions, as we have seen, and also private and religious organisations, through the Sunday School network, for example. As suggested, there is, perhaps, no consistent way in which to measure the effect of schooling on the literacy levels at the time, except to say that perhaps more children were able to write. It is clear, from the reviews of the articles presented here, that the working class developed as a clear cultural phenomenon, with social control coming from within this class, as a response to community expectations of behaviour. Thus, in sum, child labour was prevalent throughout the nineteenth century, across Industrial Britain (i.e., both in the urban centres and in rural areas) but this labour was, towards the end of the century, better regulated, in conjunction with increasing educational opportunities and standards, which led to the rise of a clear, self-controlling, working class. Bibliography Gordon Baker, The Romantic and Radical Nature of the 1870 Education Act, History of Education, 30,3 (2001), pp.211-232 Pamela Horn, Child Workers in the pillow lace and straw plait trades of Victorian Buckinghamshire and Bedfordshire, Historical Journal, 17 (1974), pp.779-96 S.Horrell Jane Humphries, The Exploitation of little children: Child Labour and the family economy in the Industrial Revolution Explorations in Economic History, 32 (1995), pp.485-516 Richard Johnson, Education Policy and Social Control in Early Victorian England, Past and Present, 49 (1970), pp.96-119 Clark Nardinelli, Child Labour and the Factory Acts, Journal of Economic History, 40 (1980), PP.739-55 Barry Reary, The Context and Meaning of popular Literacy: Some Evidence from Nineteenth-Century Rural Ireland, Past Present, 131(1991), pp.89-129 K.D.M. Snell, The Sunday-School Movement in England and Wales: Child Labour, Denominational Control and Working-Class Culture, Past Present, 164 (1999), pp.122-16 F.M.L Thompson, Social Control in Victorian Britain, Economic History Review, 34,2 (1981) pp.189-208 Nicola Verdon, The rural labour market in the early nineteenth century: womens and childrens employment,family income, and the 1834 Poor Law Report, Economic History Review, LV,2 (2002),PP.299-323 Footnotes [1] which limited the employment of children to children over nine years of age (see Nardinelli, 1980). [2] which established the half-time system, whereby children worked half-day and went to school half-day (see Nardinelli, 1980) [3] Baker (2001; pp.211-232), for example, takes Johnson’s (1970) work further, and looks in detail at the 1870 Education Act and the consequences of this Act, in terms of what he terms ‘the distribution of life chances’ (Baker; p.211). Memory Consolidation and Reconsolidation: Drug Addiction Memory Consolidation and Reconsolidation: Drug Addiction Memory Consolidation and Reconsolidation: Implications for Drug Addiction Jayan Samarakoon Abstract This paper looks at the current knowledge and debate surrounding memory reconsolidation. After a brief overview of consolidation and reconsolidation including the associated theories of each process the paper delved into the literature surrounding reconsolidation and critically evaluated research articles which either reinforced or shed doubt onto the physiological mechanisms of reconsolidation. The paper then discussed possible applications of this knowledge in the treatment of drug addiction, in particular the efficacy of blocking NDMA receptors to disrupt reconsolidation. Guidelines for future research concerning human trials were outlined. Memory Consolidation and Reconsolidation: Implications for Drug Addiction Memories affect human behaviour (Nader Einarsson, 2010). An understanding of how memories are formed would give insight into the mechanisms that underlie behaviour. This paper will look at the physiological processes that affect memories such as consolidation and reconsolidation in particular the current knowledge and debate surrounding these memory processes. The paper will then delve into how this knowledge could affect psychology, in particular the realm of drug addiction. This will be done by critically evaluating the current literature and outlining areas for future research. Memories are believed to be located in the synapses between neurons of the brain (Nader Einarsson, 2010). New memories change the strength of the synapse which results in an adjustment of the specific memory (Clopath, 2012). Memory is categorised into two forms, short-term and long-term memory. The difference between the two is a process called consolidation which affects information stored in long-term memory via strengthening the neuron pathways affected by the memory called the memory trace (Nader Einarsson, 2010). Consolidation is the process of stabilizing a memory trace after the initial behavioural experience (Dubnau Chiang, 2013). Many different studies have found that several types of interference such as inhibiting protein synthesis, disrupting the function of specific proteins, and brain lesions or trauma can disrupt the process of consolidation (Alberini, 2011). These studies have formed the basis of understanding the different consolidation models. Consolidation consi sts of two distinct processes, synaptic consolidation and system consolidation (Clopath, 2012). Synaptic consolidation involves repeated stimulation of a neuron called long-term potentiation, which results in stable changes at the synapse over time while systems consolidation is a process where memories that are dependant of the hippocampus become independent and move to a separate brain region. Synapses can vary in strength, which is referred to as plasticity (Clopath, 2012). A change in synaptic plasticity can be a short-term change which lasts a few minutes to a long-term change which can last up to a life-time. A long-term change in plasticity is the basic definition of synaptic consolidation. This process allows memory to be consolidation within a single synapse, which cannot be altered by any new memories (Clopath, 2012). Synaptic consolidation usually occurs within the first few minutes to hours after the memory encoding has happened (Dudai, 2004). The physiological conditions that cause synaptic consolidation involve many different processes which result in a physical change of the synapse (Dubnau Chiang, 2013). They include modification and reorganisation of the synapse protein including the membrane receptors. Intracellular signalling proteins such as cAMP and MAPK are recruited to activate cellular remodelling and growth during synaptic consolidation (Dudai, 2004). The standard model of system consolidation posits that memory is dependent on the location of the encoding in the mediotemporal lobe (Dubnau Chiang, 2013). Initial memories are formed in the hippocampus via synaptic consolidation and then over a period of weeks or more the memory trace reorganises so that the retention is maintained by the neocortex and is not dependent on the hippocampus anymore (Dudai, 2004). There are some criticisms with this model of systems consolidation. For starters only declarative memory is processed by the hippocampus and as such this model cannot apply to non-declarative memory. An alternative view is called multiple trace theory. Multiple trace theory proposes that the hippocampus region is always involved in the retention and retrieval of episodic memories and that semantic memory follows the standard model of system consolidation (Dubnau Chiang, 2013). These models of consolidation assume that the process of consolidation occurs just once. This assumption is currently undergoing some criticism and debate on whether it is valid or not. Research has shown that the retrieval of a memory trace can induce a phase where the memory is malleable to change (Tronson Taylor, 2007). One paper proposed that memory was a dynamic process with two different states, an active state where memories both new and reactivated are labile to change and an inactive state where the memories stabilise over time (Nader Einarsson, 2010). Memory reconsolidation is induced by the reactivation of a specific memory (Reichelt Lee, 2013). This reactivation process causes the memory trace to become destabilised into a ‘labile’ state, a state where the memory pathway can be changed. The process to return the destabilised memory into a stable form is called reconsolidation and is dependent on protein synthesis (Reichelt Lee, 2013). Destabilisation occu rs when L-type voltage-gated calcium channels and cannabinoid CB1 receptors are activated, along with synaptic protein degradation in the dorsal hippocampus (Reichelt Lee, 2013). A study examined if it was possible to reactivate a consolidated memory into a labile state and introduce new information (Forcato, Rodrà ­guez, Pedreira, Maldonado, 2010). Participants were asked to learn an association between five cue-syllables and their respective response-syllables. 24 hours later the memory was reactivated and the subjects were given additional information, in this case three extra syllable pairs. The participants were tested on their knowledge the third day. The results showed that the new information was successfully incorporated into the former memory since both sets of syllables were successfully retained in memory when the instruction stated to add the new information to the old memory, unlike the condition where the instruction was omitted. This condition showed evidence that the two sets of information were encoded independently from each other due to interference in retrieval. The study used a verbal reminder (briefly mentioned the previous pairs) to try and trigger reconsolidation. They did not asses if retrieval of the memory actually occurred. One method of bypassing the requirement of assessing if memory retrieval occurred is to design an experiment where the process of memory reconsolidation is interrupted, which should impair memory retrieval at a later date. A study conducted in 2010 successfully demonstrated that if the reactivation of a memory is followed by an emotionally aversive stimulus results in impairment when recalled at a later date (Strange, Kroes, Fan, Dolan, 2010). This study gives evidence that memories can be impaired following their retrieval. Reconsolidation has been found to occur not just in humans but in other animals as well (Robinson Franklin, 2010). A Considerable amount of research exists which indicates that when an animal is reminded of a previously learned experience the memory of that experience undergoes reconsolidation. This is supported by findings which show that treatment with a protein synthesis inhibitor immediately after re-exposing the experience can produce amnesia of the memory itself, due to the fact that recalling a memory triggers reconsolidation which requires the production of new proteins (Cai, Pearce, Chen, Glanzman, 2012). One study looked at how the amnestic drugs propranolol and midazolam would affect reconsolidation in rats (Robinson Franklin, 2010). They did this by exposing the rats to a box which contained both morphine and a saline solution in separate areas. The rats were exposed to this apparatus either four or eight times depending on the experimental condition. Afterwards the ra ts received either no dosage, or an injection of an amnestic drug. The rats were retested two and seven days after the dosage in the four pairings condition and with the eight pairings condition they were tested eight times in 48 hour blocks. The result showed that the amnestic drugs disrupted reconsolidation for weak memories (four pairings condition) and had little effect for strong memories (eight pairings condition). A study conducted by Cammarota, et al. (2009), examined if reconsolidation would occur in an inhibitory avoidance task using rats. The rats were trained in an inhibitory avoidance task and 24 hours later were exposed to the task again. After the exposure the rats were injected with a protein synthesis inhibitor and tested on the avoidance task for the third time. The results revealed that the protein synthesis inhibitor had no effect on memory retention. If reconsolidation had occurred there would have been a change in memory retention. This study used a short time period to measure reconsolidation. In the study conducted by Robinson Franklin (2010), there was evidence that reconsolidation had occurred yet in the study by Cammarota, et al. (2009), there was no evidence of memory reconsolidation occurring. There are two major differences between the two studies which may shed light into the discrepancy regarding the results. The study which showed reconsolidation used many repeated exposures to the memory stimulus and measured the possible effects of reconsolidation over a period of two weeks (Robinson Franklin, 2010), unlike the other study which only had two training sessions (as opposed to four or eight) and tested for any reconsolidation effects within 24 hours of the last training session (Cammarota, Bevilaqua, Medina, Izquierdo, 2009). These findings show evidence that memory reconsolidation may only occur in specific instances, with the two studies giving evidence that training strength and time may be two factors which affect reconsolidation. Research into finding the prerequisites of reconsolidation would be beneficial. One study looked at the limitations or boundaries of memory reconsolidation (Wang, De Oliveira Alvares, Nader, 2009). In the study Wang, et al. (2009) looked at the effects of strong training on fear-associated memory and reconsolidation. The data suggested that when 10 pairings were used instead of one the memory did not undergo reconsolidation until after thirty days have passed. By looking at the molecular mechanisms the researchers found that certain NDMA receptor subunits have to be stimulated in the BLA during reactivation of the memory to begin reconsolidation. They found that strong training could inhibit the activation of the NR2B receptor subunit which resulted in the fear stimulus not triggering reconsolidation. These results suggest that even though reconsolidation exists there are certain prerequisites that have to be met to start the process, such as the strength of the training and the time that has elapsed since encoding. These limitations may be the reason why some studies have not found a reconsolidation effect. These research articles show that reconsolidation is an actual process of memory. Reconsolidation can be the mechanism which enables our memories to be modified or updated since the memory that undergoes the process is activated often in situations which present additional complementary information (Lee, 2009). Since old, well-established memories can undergo reconsolidation there exists the possibility to exploit the destabilisation of the memory and either disrupt or even erase it completely (Milton Everitt, 2010). Therefore reconsolidation could be seen as an adaptive technique which can potentially affect or guide future behaviour. This has many potential applications. Many psychiatric disorders are due to underlying aberrant memories, such as drug addiction (Milton Everitt, 2010). Drug addiction is a chronic and relapsing disorder whereby the main risk of relapse comes from the presentation of environmental cues which have been previously associated with harmful drug use (Font Cunningham, 2012). These cues are memories which can possibly be targeted and changed by memory reconsolidation to influence future behaviour. One study looked at reconsolidation and alcohol dependence in mice (Font Cunningham, 2012). The mice were trained with either a strong or weak conditioning process. The animals were then given an injection of propranolol, a receptor antagonist and tested for memory consolidation a day later. The test found that memory retention was not affected by the antagonist. The study examined the effects of propranolol after the reactivation of the memory therefore the antagonist was introduced after reconsolidation had started. A study that looks at the effects of an antagonist that has been introduced before reconsolidation has started may yield different results. One study looked at drug-associated memories and their relationship with amygdala NMDA receptors (Milton, Lee, Butler, Gardner, Everitt, 2009). They hypothesised that NMDA receptors in particular glutamate receptors within the amygdala are crucial for the consolidation between environmental conditioned stimuli and the effects of addictive drugs, therefore the NMDA receptors must be crucial for the reconsolidation of drug-associated memories (Milton, et al., 2009). The study used a behavioural task that measures the conditioned reinforcing properties of a drug-paired stimulus by first exposing the stimulus, then injecting a NMDA receptor antagonist before a memory reactivation session. They found that the antagonist disrupted drug-associated memory and decreased the conditioned reinforcement effect. This effect lasted four weeks which was the length of the experiment. Although there was a link found when the receptor antagonist was injected before the reactivation session there was n o difference when the drug was introduced after the session which indicates that the receptor may only have a limited role in reconsolidation. These results suggest that controlling the glutamate levels at the NMDA receptor may be useful in preventing relapses although further research has to be done, particularly on the actual effect of NDMA receptors on reconsolidation and the length this effect lasts for. In summary the current knowledge of reconsolidation is quite sufficient to have an impact in psychological applications such as treating drug addiction. Knowledge about the specific physiological mechanisms of reconsolidation from animal studies is a good foundation to advance towards human experiments. Further research into the specific physiological mechanisms which underlie reconsolidation would help create effective treatment plans as would moving from animal studies to human trials. References Alberini, C. M. (2011). The role of reconsolidation and the dynamic process of long-term memory formation and storage. 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